Toxic waste and industrial pollution don't kill minorities and poor people -- poor nutrition and "socioeconomic factors" kill minorities and poor people.
So says a new study released last week, which will surely exacerbate the philosophical chasm between anti-regulation libertarians and environmental justice activists.
The study, facilitated by the National Academy of Sciences and sponsored by the U.S. Department of Energy, the National Institutes of Health and the Environmental Protection Agency, declares that there is "no scientific link" between the health problems of minority and poor communities and the industrial activities prevalent in such areas.
"There are identifiable communities of concern that experience ... higher levels of exposure to environmental stressors in terms of both frequency and magnitude," the report declares. "However, research so far has not been able to tie the health problems of minority and poor communities to environmental stressors such as chemicals, noise or air pollutants."
But despite its conclusion, the report recommends that further study be undertaken in four key areas -- public health, research, education and health policy. For Cato Institute public health scholar Steven Milloy, these are highly divergent -- and very suspicious -- conclusions indeed.
"The report is a clear case of disregarding the facts for a politically palatable conclusion," Milloy said. "There never has been any evidence that pollution is causing any harm -- much less disproportionate harm -- to minority communities. This report -- in its mealy mouthed way -- confirms that."
Milloy said that the report -- which links health problems not to industrial pollution but rather with "socioeconomic status" and "political disenfranchisement" -- ought to delegitimize the so-called "environmental justice" movement once and for all.
"The report even acknowledges that, to the extent minority communities do have more health problems, they're likely due to issues more akin to a lower quality lifestyle," Milloy said. "The EPA can't fix that."
But environmental justice activists -- who work to ensure that low income and ethnically diverse communities don't get saddled with disproportionate pollution and health risks -- see things differently.
"Communities of color and low income communities are absolutely impacted -- disproportionally -- by the kinds of industrial activities that commonly invade these kinds of neighborhoods," said Melissa Munoz, environmental justice director for the Colorado Peoples Environmental and Economic Network. "It's not a coincidence that whole neighborhoods in north Denver suffer from the same types of cancer -- there's definitely a connection."
And of course the health of minority and poor neighborhoods is impacted by sub-standard "socioeconomic factors," said Munoz -- because these communities have long been "targeted" by poison-spewing companies.
"Industries and government agencies have traditionally seen communities of color and low-income communities as easy targets," said Munoz. "These polluters are just like electricity -- they take the path of least resistance."
The report acknowledges that people living in industrial areas are frequently "less able to deal with these hazards as a result of limited knowledge of exposures and disenfranchisement from the political process."
Munoz puts the point more succinctly -- she calls it "environmental racism."
"Companies come into these sorts of communities because they know people don't have the money or clout to fight them," she said. "And to smooth their way even further, they promise jobs and economic prosperity -- but they're always half-truths and misrepresentations of reality.
"These promises are the equivalent of economic blackmail," she declared.
Community zoning codes -- and local politicians who fail to adequately enforce them -- are at the heart of this problem, Munoz explained.
"Currently (in north Denver and elsewhere) the burden of proof is on the community to show that a proposed toxic waste dump, for example, is not in the community's best interest," she said. "It ought to be the other way around -- companies should have to prove that it is."
Munoz, who has long believed that there's a link between the health problems of her north Denver neighborhood and the high incidence of industrial activity there, has a chance to prove the prestigious National Academy of Sciences' report wrong. Recently, Munoz and COPEEN were awarded a two-year Environmental Protection Agency grant to study the effects of industrial pollution in five north Denver neighborhoods.
"There have been a number of isolated studies of individual polluters, but nothing to pull it all together with a health survey," she said. "We believe there is a direct link between our community health and the amount of pollution generated by the industries in our area."
COPEEN's study, Munoz said, will focus on "loopholes" in federal pollution reporting guidelines, known as the Toxic Release Inventory, or TRI. Currently, she said, TRI reporting guidelines are set far too high, which diminishes the possible "link" between poor community health and industrial activity.
"We know there are over 1,000 polluting businesses in our 80216 Zip Code, but only about 24 have to report under TRI," she said. "We hope to learn how much more pollution is really out there -- and how it's affecting our health."
There are myriad on-line databases available to Coloradans wishing to search for TRI data, including the Right to Know Network at www.rtknet.org.
To read the full text of the National Academy of Sciences' environmental justice report, go to the academy's home page at www.nas.edu.
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